Editor's note: Talk Africa is a weekly talk show that brings together guests from across Africa and beyond to discuss pressing African issues and global topics, amplifying the continent's voice and showcasing diverse perspectives and independent thinking. This episode explores the latest AU-backed peace initiative on DRC and delve into the factors that ensure African-led mediation effective in ending conflicts.

The African Union (AU) has appointed Togolese President Faure Gnassingbé to lead mediation efforts in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), signaling a renewed push for a more unified, African-led diplomatic approach after previous peace initiatives stalled.

While the move has been welcomed by some as a reaffirmation of "African solutions to African problems," analysts have questioned the rationale behind the appointment and whether it can break the current deadlock, especially after mediation attempts by regional blocs and external actors failed to deliver lasting peace. 

The repeated collapse of these initiatives raises a deeper and more pressing question: what are the structural flaws in Africa's peace architecture and mediation models, and how can they be addressed?

Why Togo

HORN institute for Strategic Studies founder and chairman,  Dr. Mustafa Yusuf Ali, endorsed AU's choice of Togo to broker peace in the troubled vast central African nation, underscoring Lome's previous track record in conflict mediation as credible.

"It was in Togo with the Lomé Accord that ended a protracted, bloody, violent conflict in Sierra Leone," Dr Mustafa said, adding that Togo's geographic position also matters. The west African nation lies outside both Central and East Africa, regions where many countries have vested interests in eastern DRC. 

Another factor of this appointment is about trust. 

"There appears to be trust on Togo as a country and also Gnassingbe as a person to lead this process," he said.

Dr. Oluwole Ojewale from the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) questioned Gnassingbe's credibility as a mediator, but recognized the urgency of the crisis in eastern DRC, emphasizing that "it necessitated utilizing all available diplomatic channels, however imperfect."

He argued that AU's pivot toward a more proactive leadership role in addressing the crisis in eastern DRC represents a significant and encouraging shift in regional security architecture. 

"We are seeing the African Union making concerted efforts to take responsibility for the crisis in Congo, and I do hope we will see that extended to other conflict theater like Sudan," Dr. Ojewale said during the show.

Dr. Mustafa and Dr. Ojewale shared the view that when contrasted with previous interventions, namely the Nairobi and Luanda processes, alongside mediation efforts facilitated by Qatar and the US, the current elevation of an African-led initiative marks a critical transition toward regional ownership.

Criteria of a good mediator

African mediators possess several unique strengths that distinguish them from Western or Middle Eastern intermediaries. But for them to succeed, there are some elements to be considered.

Effective mediation necessitates a synthesis of diplomatic gravitas, emotional intelligence, and strategic wisdom. 

"Beyond active listening, a proficient mediator must possess the tactical acumen to orchestrate deliberative formats such as plenary sessions or strategic caucusing while identifying the precise moments to engage external stakeholders to resolve institutional deadlocks," Dr. Mustafa stated.

He added that ultimately, the success of the process hinges on the mediator's ability to anticipate obstacles and maintain the perceived legitimacy required to navigate complex conflict architectures.

In Ojewale's view, an effective mediator must first possess strong personal and political credibility, as any history of bias, conflicting interests or similar infractions can quickly undermine trust and legitimacy in the process. 

Beyond credibility, he highlights the importance of leverage: successful mediation often requires the ability to combine incentives with pressure, the 'carrot and stick', a capacity more commonly associated with major powers that can deploy resources, influence and deterrence.

Dr. Ojewale asserted that the crisis in the DRC and Sudan highlight a critical deficit in both coercive deterrence and moral leadership within the African continent.

He further noted that the absence of a robust, active standby force is compounded by what he described as the dwindling presence of "elder statesmen", naming the iconic Nelson Mandela,  "who possessed the moral authority to hold belligerent leaders accountable."

Africa’s peace architecture

According to Dr. Mustafa, while the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) is structurally designed for proactivity, utilizing regional mechanisms like IGAD's Conflict Early Warning and Response Mechanism (CEWARN), its efficacy is undermined by a political implementation gap.

Consequently, Dr. Mustafa posits, reactive cycles, such as the diplomatic crisis regarding Somaliland's recognition, stem not from architectural flaws but from a lack of technical expertise and political will among decision-makers. 

"Systemic early warnings are often ignored due to political expediency, allowing structural tensions to escalate into open violence before institutional intervention occurs," he added.

The proliferation of external mediation in African conflicts is a direct consequence of institutional weaknesses within AU, regional fragmentation, and a pervasive lack of trust among continental leadership, according to Dr. Mustafa.

He argued that while the "Africanization" of the DRC peace process is a strategic necessity, its success is contingent upon the mobilization of substantial regional resources and the establishment of credible enforcement mechanisms to penalize non-compliance.

Speaking of resources, Dr. Ojewale stressed the pressing need to fund AU internally so it dictates the terms. 

"It's a situation in which we do a lot of talk but the resources are not really there," he said.

From political elites to grassroots

The current "intergenerational transmission of grievances" necessitates the activation of robust local peace infrastructures, integrating marginalized stakeholders such as women, youth, and religious institutions, Dr. Ojewale noted, adding that: "broadening the diplomatic scope beyond elite negotiations to include these foundational building blocks is essential to disrupting cycles of hostility and fostering long-term regional stability."

Dr. Mustafa contends that the DRC represents a 'poly-crisis' rooted in post-colonial structural instability, necessitating a multi-dimensional resolution framework. 

He argues that conventional top-down, elitist diplomacy is insufficient; instead, sustainable peace requires a hybridised model that integrates high-level mediation by heads of state with grassroots community engagement to address the conflict's complex socio-political layers.

According to Dr. Ojewale, resolving the multifaceted DRC crisis necessitates a shift from failed traditional political paradigms toward a multilateral framework that integrates emerging non-state actors. 

He argues that as the continent’s generation of high-integrity elder statesmen recedes, AU should leverage the influence of the private sector and philanthropic leaders such as Mo Ibrahim or prominent African industrialists.

"Given their extensive regional investments and social capital, these stakeholders may possess the unique leverage required to extract political commitments where conventional diplomacy has faltered, effectively aligning economic interests with regional stability," Dr. Ojewale said.